July 16, 2018

Us or Them?

Nearly 30 years have passed since Congress passed the Patient Self-Determination Act, enthroning advance care planning as an important part of care in the last phase of life. While the frequency with which patients designate someone to serve as their proxy in the event of incapacity has increased dramatically and the use of various planning instruments such as living wills and instructional directives has also risen, in most settings no more than one-third of patients with serious illness actually have conversations with their physicians about their preferences. 

Assuming that it’s a good idea for patients with serious illnesses to speak with their physicians about their goals of care, whose responsibility is it to raise the question? Does it make more sense to concentrate on educating physicians to communicate well about goals or to focus on empowering patients? 

Over the years, different initiatives have targeted one population or the other. The Robert Wood Johnson’s “Project on Death in America,” a multi-hundred-million-dollar project launched in 1994, focused to a large extent on prospective patients. The AMA’s program, “Education on Palliative and End-of-Life Care” (EPEC), also introduced in the 1990s, is targeted entirely to physicians (in fact, the “P” in the title used to refer to physicians: when first launched, the program was called “Educating Physicians on End-of-Life Care”.) More recently, a series of videos by Angelo Volandes of ACP Decisions aims to show patients and their families what various medical treatments entail, while the “Serious Illness Conversation Guide” from Susan Block, Atul Gawande and others at Ariadne Labs offers a checklist of questions to help physicians structure their discussions.

So, who needs more attention, the doctors or the patients? A new study in Health Affairs may offer some clues. I should point out at the outset that the Health Affairs article does not seek to weigh in on the question of whether to concentrate on physicians or on patients when designing interventions to promote advance care planning. The aim of the study, as indicated by its ponderous title, “Factors Contributing to Geographic Variation in End-of-Life Expenditures for Cancer Patients,” is to understand why some regions of the US spend so much more on care near the end of life than other reasons, with no discernible difference in outcomes. 

There are methodological problems with this study, as with all studies that start with death and work backwards—it is possible that although the people who died had similar outcomes (perhaps not surprising, as they all died), other people who weren’t considered in the study because they didn’t die were more likely to do well if more money was spent on them. Nonetheless, we have two groups of people with advanced lung or colorectal cancer on whom very different amounts of money were spent—in the lowest quintile, the average outlay was $10,131 and in the highest quintile, the average expenditure was $19,318). Was the decision to spend more coming from patient pressure or was it something that physicians were pushing for?

What the authors found was that in the high spending areas, physicians were less knowledgeable about treating dying patients (by their self-report), less comfortable providing care to patients near the end of life, and had less favorable attitudes toward hospice than their counterparts in the low spending areas. The high spending areas also tended to have more specialty physicians but fewer primary care physicians, as well as fewer hospices (per capita) than elsewhere. But—and here’s the key—patients’ beliefs about what they wanted were no different in high and low-spending areas.

All the statistically significant findings were in the domain of physicians, not patients:



Now, this finding does not directly translate into the question of who drives decision-making near the end of life in general and advance care planning discussions in particular. But it strongly suggests that physicians play an outsized role in shaping what happens to patients. Many patients don’t have pre-determined preferences; their values do not unambiguously determine what kind of medical treatment they should get. Or, if they do have some idea of what would be best for them, they are nonetheless strongly influenced by the views of their physicians. If “shared decision-making” is to work, both partners need to be informed and on board—and the physicians are particularly in need of some attention.

July 08, 2018

Where We Die

Honoring patient preferences, which is shorthand for providing an approach to medical treatment consistent with what patients say they want, has become a fundamental tenet of American medicine. And one preference that the vast majority of Americans share, according to multiple studies, is the wish to die at home. 

Whether dying at home is actually what patients want when they are faced with impending death, rather than an abstract preference expressed when they are healthy, is another matter—and I’ve previously argued that as hospital-based palliative care improves and home-based palliative care places an ever-growing burden on families, hospitals have become more attractive as a site for dying. But what patients tend to agree on is that they don’t want to suffer as they are dying.

To the extent that hospital care entails interventions such as ventilators or ICU treatment or chemotherapy, patients are reluctant to subject themselves to this type of care, especially if its likelihood of prolonging life is remote. To the extent that fewer hospital deaths and more home deaths is a marker for less suffering at the end of life, change in this direction is very desirable. A new study by Teno and colleagues shows we are continuing to make progress in this direction.

A few years ago, Teno et al performed a similar study comparing the experience of patients in 2000 to the comparable experience in 2009. What they found then was a marked decrease in the percentage of elderly Medicare fee- for-service decedents (health-policy-speak for people over age 65 with conventional Medicare who died) who expired in the hospital (32.6 percent vs 24.6 percent). Over the same period, however, they found ICU use increased among decedents in the last month of life (from 24.3 percent to 29.2 percent) as did the percentage of dying patients who underwent a transition of care (nursing home to hospital, for example) in the last 3 days of life (10.3 percent to 14.2 percent). The current study updates these findings by extending the period of analysis to 2015 and by adding data from older patients enrolled in Medicare Advantage programs, who now account for 30 percent of the Medicare population.

What they discovered today was that the proportion of hospital deaths among the fee-for-service group has continued to fall, going from 32.6 percent in 2000 to 24.6 percent in 2009 to 19.8 percent in 2015. ICU use in the last 30 days of life, which had risen between 2000 and 2009, remained stable at the 2009 level in 2015. Transitions to another site of care in the last 3 days of life, which had also risen between 2000 and 2009, went back down in 2015 to the same level as in 2000. And the chance of being enrolled in hospice at the time of death rose from 21.6 percent in 2000 to 50.4 percent in 2015. When the investigators looked at a sample of Medicare Advantage patients, they found these individuals had the same experience in 2015 as their fee-for-service counterparts.

What does all this mean? I suspect what it means is that when we know with a high degree of certainty that someone is going to die in the very near future, we tend to focus on comfort care. If physicians, patients, and families recognize that death is imminent, hospitalization is relatively unlikely, as is ICU care or transfers from home or nursing home to another site of care. However, physicians often cannot be so certain that death is likely to occur in the next few weeks or months. As long as the usual strategy is to pursue maximally aggressive care until death is virtually sure to occur in the immediate future, and then to abruptly transition to care focused exclusively on comfort, the picture we see today is likely to continue.

There is another approach. That approach involves opting for a goal that is neither comfort only nor life-prolongation at any cost. Instead, maximization of function is paramount; treatment aimed at prolonging life is also acceptable, provided it will not affect quality of life in a major way. So, too, is comfort a goal, but only to the extent that it does not conflict with maintaining function. For people who are frail, extremely old, or both this alternative strategy translates into fewer hospitalizations, fewer ICU stays, and fewer transitions of care in the final stage of life, whether that period is measured in weeks, months, or even years. 

Medical treatment does not have to be all or none; there is something in between. It’s quite possible that many people would opt for this type of care—if only they knew it existed.